The semantic structure of accuracy in eyewitness testimony.

In two studies, we examined if correct and incorrect statements in eyewitness testimony differed in semantic content. Testimony statements were obtained from participants who watched staged crime films and were interviewed as eyewitnesses. We analyzed the latent semantic representations of these statements using LSA and BERT. Study 1 showed that the semantic space of correct statements differed from incorrect statements; correct statements were more closely related to a dominance semantic representation, whereas incorrect statements were more closely related to a communion semantic representation. Study 2 only partially replicated these findings, but a mega-analysis of the two datasets showed different semantic representations for correct and incorrect statements, with incorrect statements more closely related to representations of communion and abstractness. Given the critical role of eyewitness testimony in the legal context, and the generally low ability of fact-finders to estimate the accuracy of witness statements, our results strongly call for further research on semantic content in correct and incorrect testimony statements.

Idiosyncratic effects of interviewer behavior on the accuracy of children's responses.

Children are interviewed to provide information about past events in various contexts (e.g., police interviews, court proceedings, therapeutic interviews). During an interview, various factors may influence the accuracy of children's responses to questions about recent events. However, behavioral research in this area is limited. Sparling et al. (2011) showed that children frequently provided inaccurate responses to questions about video clips they just watched depending on the antecedents (i.e., the way a question was asked) and consequences (i.e., the response of the interviewer to their answers). In the current study, we replicated and extended the procedures reported by Sparling et al. and found that two of five children were sensitive to the various antecedents and consequences that we manipulated. Our findings indicate a need for more research in this area to determine the relevant environmental variables that affect children's response accuracy.

No verbal overshadowing in aphantasia: The role of visual imagery for the verbal overshadowing effect.

The verbal overshadowing effect refers to the phenomenon that the verbal description of a past complex stimulus impairs its subsequent recognition. Theoretical explanations range from interference between different mental representations to the activation of different processing orientations or a provoked shift in the recognition criterion. In our study, 61 participants with aphantasia (= lack of mental imagery) and 70 controls participated in a verbal overshadowing paradigm. The verbal overshadowing effect did not occur in people with aphantasia, although the effect was replicated in controls. We speculate that this is either due to the lack of visual representations in people with aphantasia that verbal descriptions could interfere with, or to the absence of a shift in processing orientation during verbalisation. To rule out criterion-based explanations, further research is needed to distinguish between discriminability and response bias in people with aphantasia. Finally, data indicated that the verbal overshadowing effect may even be reversed in individuals with aphantasia, partly due to a lower memory performance in the no verbalisation condition. Effects of further variables are discussed, such as mental strategies, memory confidence, and difficulty, quantity and quality of verbalisation.

It is not real until it feels real: Testing a new method for simulation of eyewitness experience with virtual reality technology and equipment.

Laboratory research in the psychology of witness testimony is often criticized for its lack of ecological validity, including the use of unrealistic artificial stimuli to test memory performance. The purpose of our study is to present a method that can provide an intermediary between laboratory research and field studies or naturalistic experiments that are difficult to control and administer. It uses Video-360° technology and virtual reality (VR) equipment, which cuts subjects off from external stimuli and gives them control over the visual field. This can potentially increase the realism of the eyewitness's experience. To test the method, we conducted an experiment comparing the immersion effect, emotional response, and memory performance between subjects who watched a video presenting a mock crime on a head-mounted display (VR goggles; n = 57) and a screen (n = 50). The results suggest that, compared to those who watched the video on a screen, the VR group had a deeper sense of immersion, that is, of being part of the scene presented. At the same time, they were not distracted or cognitively overloaded by the more complex virtual environment, and remembered just as much detail about the crime as those viewing it on the screen. Additionally, we noted significant differences between subjects in ratings of emotions felt during the video. This may suggest that the two formats evoke different types of discrete emotions. Overall, the results confirm the usefulness of the proposed method in witness research.

Pseudotemporal Invitations: 6- to 9-year-Old Maltreated Children's Tendency to Misinterpret Invitations Referencing "Time" as Solely Requesting Conventional Temporal Information.

Forensic interviewers ask children broad input-free recall questions about individual episodes in order to elicit complete narratives, often asking about "the first time," "the last time," and "one time." An overlooked problem is that the word "time" is potentially ambiguous, referring both to a particular episode and to conventional temporal information. We examined 191 6-9-year-old maltreated children's responses to questions about recent events varying the wording of the invitations, either asking children to "tell me about" or "tell me what happened" one time/the first time/the last time the child experienced recent recurrent events. Additionally, half of the children were asked a series of "when" questions about recurrent events before the invitations. Children were several times more likely to provide exclusively conventional temporal information to "tell me about" invitations compared to "tell me what happened" invitations, and asking "when" questions before the invitations increased children's tendency to give exclusively conventional temporal information. Children who answered a higher proportion of "when" questions with conventional temporal information were also more likely to do so in response to the invitations. The results suggest that children may often fail to provide narrative information because they misinterpret invitations using the word "time."

Can jurors be biased in their evaluation of third-party evidence within cases of rape?

Prior research has indicated that beliefs in rape myths can influence juror decision making in cases involving sexual assault, however, the phenomenon has been typically examined in relation to victim and defendant believability, as well as final verdicts. The current study observed mock jurors' evaluations of third-party witness evidence in alleged rape cases to determine whether these judgements were influenced by inherent rape myths. Participants (N = 196) took part in a mock juror experiment that included evidence from an eyewitness that was either in support of the defence, prosecution, or neutral. We found that males and individuals holding strong beliefs in rape myths were more likely to find defendants 'not guilty'. Additionally, participants endorsing rape myths were also more likely to view eyewitness evidence favourably, but only when it was in support of the defence. Our findings suggest that personal biases can influence the level of credence jurors place on case evidence, potentially through a confirmation bias.

The perceived credibility of repeated-event witnesses depends upon their veracity.

For repeated crimes like domestic violence and workplace bullying, the primary evidence is often the alleged victim's testimony. Consequently, the perceived credibility of repeated event speakers can be pivotal to legal proceedings. In order to investigate perceptions of truthful and deceptive repeated-event speakers, undergraduate students observed interviews of speakers describing a single occurrence of an event that was either experienced or fabricated either once or multiple times. Some participants additionally read an expert statement on repeated-event memory. The effect of repetition on perceived credibility depended on the speaker's veracity, enhancing the credibility of fabricators but diminishing the credibility of truth-tellers. The expert testimony was found to raise the perceived honesty and cognitive competence of the repeated-event speakers and thus could be a promising mechanism for enhancing perceived credibility in legal proceedings.

Scientific Thinking About Legal Truth.

In the criminal process, the fact finders assess the validity of impressions reported by witnesses based on their perceptions and determine what has happened in reality. However, these impressions are not subject to any external validity check. The Innocence Project revealed the failure of this subjective method and showed how it can lead to innocent convictions. The legal literature has examined ways to manage the risk of mistakes, but these ways are inconsistent with the scientific understanding of the need for external validity measurements, suggesting the need for new ways of thinking about the legal search for truth and justice.

The impact of recall timing on the preservation of eyewitness memory.

Two studies investigated the impact of recall timing on eyewitness memory. In Study 1, participants viewed a crime video and then completed the Self-Administered Interview (SAI©) either immediately, after a 24-h delay, after a 1-week delay, or not at all. All participants completed a final recall questionnaire 2 weeks after they had viewed the stimulus video. Study 2 aimed to determine how long the beneficial impact of the SAI© on witnesses' long-term memory lasts. Participants watched a crime video and then either completed the SAI© or did not engage in an immediate recall attempt. Participants then completed a final recall questionnaire after a delay of 24 h, 1 week, 2 weeks, or 1 month. The results indicated that initial recall should be completed within 24 h of an incident and that under these conditions, the beneficial impact of early recall on long-term memory endures for at least 1 month.

Memory conformity for high-confidence recognition of faces.

Memory judgments made by an individual may be affected by the memory judgments made by another individual, a phenomenon named memory conformity. It is unclear, however, whether memory conformity affects the well demonstrated positive relationship between accuracy and confidence, and more importantly, whether it affects the accuracy of high-confidence memory judgments. Here, we investigated these possibilities in three experiments wherein participants performed recognition followed by confidence judgments of studied and novel faces, after being exposed to the recognition responses of a fictional participant whose responses could be valid or invalid (74% and 26% of the responses, respectively). In all three experiments, accuracy for high confidence "old" and "new" responses was affected by the responses of the fictitious participant, with invalid responses producing consistent decreases in high confidence accuracy. In addition, confidence-accuracy characteristics (CAC) analysis revealed that invalid responses were particularly impactful on the assignment of confidence for faces judged as "new," a pattern that sheds light on prior findings regarding the effects of cueing on mean confidence. Thus, further than demonstrating that the exposition to the memory judgments of another person affects high confidence recognition, we show that such exposition produces distinct effects on the assignment of confidence for "new" versus "old" memory judgments.

Incongruence in Lighting Impairs Face Identification.

The effect of uniform lighting on face identity processing is little understood, despite its potential influence on our ability to recognize faces. Here, we investigated how changes in uniform lighting level affected face identification performance during face memory tests. Observers were tasked with learning a series of faces, followed by a memory test where observers judged whether the faces presented were studied before or novel. Face stimuli were presented under uniform bright or dim illuminations, and lighting across the face learning and the memory test sessions could be the same ("congruent") or different ("incongruent"). This led to four experimental conditions: (1) Bright/Dim (learning bright faces, testing on dim faces); (2) Bright/Bright; (3) Dim/Bright; and (4) Dim/Dim. Our results revealed that incongruent lighting levels across sessions (Bright/Dim and Dim/Bright) significantly reduced sensitivity (d') to faces and introduced conservative biases compared to congruent lighting levels (Bright/Bright and Dim/Dim). No significant differences in performance were detected between the congruent lighting conditions (Bright/Bright vs. Dim/Dim) and between the incongruent lighting conditions (Bright/Dim vs. Dim/Bright). Thus, incongruent lighting deteriorated performance in face identification. These findings implied that the level of uniform lighting should be considered in an illumination-specific face representation and potential applications such as eyewitness testimony.

Are witnesses able to avoid highly accessible misinformation? Examining the efficacy of different warnings for high and low accessibility postevent misinformation.

The reliability of eyewitness memory continues to be an area of concern, particularly in situations that involve conflicting sources of information (e.g., the misinformation effect; Loftus et al., 1978, Journal of Experimental Psychology: Human Learning and Memory, 4[1], 19-31). To mitigate the negative effects of misinformation, researchers have examined the efficacy of warnings that highlight the unreliability of postevent information. However, warnings have proven less effective for highly accessible misinformation (Eakin et al., 2003, Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, and Cognition, 29[5], 813-825). In the present study, we examined the effects of different types of warnings for low accessibility misinformation in a standard single test misinformation paradigm, and highly accessible misinformation in a repeated testing misinformation paradigm (Chan et al., 2009, Psychological Science, 20[1], 66-73). We modeled these warnings after Eakin et al. (2003) to include both general warnings and specific question-by-question warnings. We found that warnings were effective in both types of misinformation paradigms. Additionally, memory accuracy in situations where participants were exposed to misleading information was improved when specific and general warnings were combined. We argue that both retrieval blocking of low accessibility items and enhanced contextual discrimination account for these findings.

A focus on accuracy in misinformed mothers puts young children at risk for false memories.

This research examined how mothers' goal orientation and exposure to misinformation can shape how mothers engage their children in conversation about past experiences and consequently affect the accuracy of children's memory reports. To investigate this question, 169 mothers were asked to talk with their preschool-age children (Mage = 55 months, SD = 6.15; 90 female) about an earlier nonshared event. Some mothers were instructed to focus on eliciting an accurate account, whereas others were told to talk naturally as in everyday life. Before this conversation, some mothers in each goal condition were exposed to misleading information about what their children experienced. Mothers focused on accuracy exhibited more bias in their conversations than those centered on talking naturally. When later interviewed, children with accuracy-focused mothers made more false reports and recalled less correct details than those with natural-focused mothers. These trends were found even when mothers were not misinformed. The implications of these results for children's eyewitness memory and suggestibility are discussed.

Is the study of memory unduly preoccupied with its sins?

A broad functional approach is taken to the analysis of human memory. The overall importance of episodic memory, the capacity to remember specific events, is illustrated by the devastating effect that loss of this aspect of memory has on the capacity to cope in the case of densely amnesic patients. Recent applied research has however focussed heavily on factors compromising the reliability of eyewitness testimony in the forensic field and on the creation of false memories. While acknowledging the progress made on this issue, it presents two dangers. The first is practical, the danger of generalising too readily from laboratory-influenced simulations that differ in important ways from the context to which they are applied. This suggests a need for fewer but more realistically representative studies. The second is a broad theoretical issue, that of extending the findings from this important but limited applied area, within which precise detail may be crucial, to the whole of memory, consequently failing to appreciate its many strengths.

Recall Accuracy in Children: Age vs. Conceptual Thinking.

The aim of this study was to replicate a previous experiment using a different stimulus event. The present study examined the relationship between age, development of conceptual thinking, and responses to free recall, suggestive and specific option-posing questions in children and adults. Sixty-three children (aged 7-14) and 30 adults took part in an experiment in which they first participated in a live staged event, then, a week later, were interviewed about the event and tested using the Word Meaning Structure Test. Age and level of conceptual thinking were positively correlated in children. Compared to age, conceptual thinking ability better predicted children's accurate free recall and inaccurate responses to specific option-posing questions, but not inaccurate responses to suggestive questions.

The importance of forensic evidence for decisions on criminal guilt.

Recent studies have found that the general public perceives forensic evidence to be relatively inaccurate and to involve high levels of human judgement. This study examines how important the general public finds forensic evidence by comparing decisions on guilt and punishment in criminal cases that involve forensic versus eyewitness testimony evidence and examining whether a CSI effect exists. Specifically, this experimental survey study utilized a 2 (crime type: murder or rape) × 4 (evidence type: DNA, fingerprint, victim eyewitness testimony, or bystander eyewitness testimony) - 1 (no victim testimony for murder scenario) design, yielding seven vignettes scenarios to which participants were randomly assigned. Results indicate that forensic evidence was associated with more guilty verdicts and higher confidence in a guilty verdict. Forensic evidence did not change the expected sentence length and did not generally affect the ideal sentence length. However, for rape, respondents believed that the defendant should receive a longer sentence when forensic evidence was presented but forensic evidence did not alter likely sentence that respondents expected the defendant to receive. The results of this study did not support a CSI effect. Overall, this study suggests that forensic evidence - particularly DNA - has a stronger influence during the verdict stage than the sentencing stage.

Negative emotion increases false memory for person/action conjunctions.

Two experiments demonstrate that eyewitnesses often falsely recognise an actor performing an action that had actually been performed by someone else, even if the action involves negative emotions and the actor in question had only appeared in emotionally neutral contexts. Participants viewed videos, each involving an actor performing a neutral (e.g. making oatmeal) or negatively valenced (e.g. killing a roach) action, and were asked to remember the events (Experiment 1) or to rate them for valence and arousal (Experiment 2). In both experiments, participants remembered negative actions better than neutral actions. Participants were also especially likely, however, to falsely recognise a different person performing a negative action. Experiment 2 revealed that this effect was modulated by the prior emotional contexts in which an actor had appeared. Participants were still just as likely, however, to falsely recognise an actor who had only appeared in neutral contexts now performing a negative action as they were to falsely recognise this actor performing a different neutral action. These results suggest that even individuals seen only in benign contexts can be falsely remembered as having participated in emotionally charged events (e.g. crimes).

Norwegian judges' knowledge of factors affecting eyewitness testimony: a 12-year follow-up.

Eyewitness evidence often plays a critical role in decisions made in the criminal justice system. To evaluate eyewitness testimony accurately, judges must be aware of factors that can contaminate this type of evidence. In 2008, a survey of judges in Norway revealed a lack of awareness of several factors that affect eyewitness testimony. In the current study, a survey was administered to Norwegian judges (N=98) to evaluate their knowledge of factors that affect eyewitness testimony. Results showed that judges' overall knowledge scores were similar to those reported in 2008, but substantial increases and decreases in knowledge were observed for specific factors. Additional analyses indicated that increased uncertainty regarding some eyewitness factors led to a decline in accuracy when compared to responses observed in 2008. The current study provides an updated assessment of judges' knowledge of eyewitness factors and highlights the need for more comprehensive training for judges regarding these factors.

O Efeito de Carga Emocional e Intervalo de Retenção na Memória de Testemunhas Oculares / The Role of Arousal and Retention Interval on Eyewitness Memory

Resumo Presenciar um crime é uma situação de grande estresse e com forte carga emocional, fatores diretamente relacionados à qualidade do relato de testemunhas oculares. Em dois experimentos, participantes assistiram a eventos com diferentes cargas emocionais (neutro, assalto ou assassinato) e forneceram seus relatos após diferentes intervalos de retenção (teste imediato, 7 dias, 14 dias ou 21 dias). Os resultados mostraram que a carga emocional não teve efeito na memória de testemunhas para aspectos do crime e características do criminoso. O evento com maior carga emocional teve um efeito benéfico na memória após um intervalo de 7 dias, mas tal efeito não ocorreu em intervalos mais longos. Implicações teóricas e práticas relacionadas à interpretação do relato de testemunhas são discutidas.

Abstract Witnessing a crime can be a highly stressful situation, eliciting arousal levels that may affect eyewitness memory performance. In two experiments, participants watched a mock crime with varying arousal intensities (neutral, robbery, and murder), and provided reports after varying retention intervals (immediate testing, 7 days, 14 days or 21 days). Results showed that arousal did not have a significant main effect on eyewitness memory recall. Eyewitness memory performance was stronger for the event with higher arousal only after a 7 days retention interval, but performance was comparable across all arousal conditions in longer retention intervals. Theoretical and practical implications related to the evaluation of eyewitness testimony are discussed.

Memory performance predicts interrogative suggestibility better than global cognition in older adults with subjective cognitive complaints.

The present study aims to investigate to which extent global cognition and verbal memory can estimate interrogative suggestibility (IS) in elderly people with subjective cognitive complaints (SCCs). We used the Gudjonsson Suggestibility Scale (GSS 2) subscales (i.e., Yield 1, Yield 2 and Shift) as measures of IS. Data from a sample of consecutive patients (N = 94) who referred to neuropsychology units for the first time were collected. Our results showed that verbal memory is a better predictor of IS than global cognition. Moreover, memory impairment led to significantly higher IS independently of global cognitive status. These findings suggest that the assessment of verbal memory allows to estimate individual levels of IS better than global cognition, even in elders with objective cognitive deficits. Implications for forensic assessment of senior witnesses are discussed.